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April 14, 2024 Kaivalyananda

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Танкред Галилейски

April 8, 2024 Kaivalyananda

Танкред Галилейски

Семейство
Танкред ГалилейскиTancrède de Hauteville
водач на Първия кръстоносен поход, принц на Галилея


Роден	1072 г.Италия
Починал	12 декември 1112 г. (40 г.)Антиохия
Погребан	Турция

Религия	католицизъм
Род	Отвили
Танкред Галилейски в Общомедия

Танкред Галилейски (Tancred of Galilee, 1072 г. – 5 или 12 декември 1112 г.) е итало–нормански благородник, най-младият военачалник на Първия кръстоносен поход^[1], който по-късно става принц на Галилея и регент на Антиохийското княжество. Танкред е син на Одо Добрия и Ема дьо Отвил. Негови дядо и баба по майчина линия са Робер Гискар и първата му съпруга Алберада от Буоналберго. Ема е също сестра на Боемунд Тарантски. Неговите героични подвизи са възпети от Торквато Тасо в Освободеният Йерусалим.

Първи кръстоносен поход[редактиране | редактиране на кода]

Танкред е роден ок. 1072 в южна Италия. В началото на 1096 г. той участва заедно с чичовците си Рожер I и Боемунд Тарантски в обсадата на въстаналия град Амалфи, където пристига новината за призива на папа Урбан II в Клермон за Първия кръстоносен поход. Боемунд и Танкред решават да участват в него и дебаркират през ноември 1096 г. в Авлона на територията на Византийската империя (дн. Албания). Десет години по-рано Робер Гискар и неговата армия са дебаркирали на същото място и са нападнали империята, преди да бъдат отблъснати (1085). През 1096 г. норманските кръстоносци се изправят пред недоверието и негодуванието на жителите и ако трябва да попълнят запасите си, намират пред себе си затворени градове. Но малко ревностни длъжностни лица карат помощни печенези и турци да ги нападнат на брега на Вардар. Боемунд, чиято цел е да придобие феод в Ориента и да получи признание от византийския император Алексий I Комнин, не отговаря на провокациите и успокоява гнева на офицерите си като Танкред и Ришар дьо Салерн. Кръстоносната армия пристига в Тракия на 1 април 1097 и Боемунд се явява в двора, където се помирява с Алексий, докато Танкред и Ришар и армията бързат да прекосят Босфора, за да не изрекат клетвата за вярност на императора, с обещание да върне завладените територии на Византийската империя. Макар че други водачи не възнамерявали да държат на клетвата, Танкред отказва да я даде въобще. Те достигат Никомедия, където вече лагерува лотарингската армия, водена от Годфроа дьо Буйон.^[2]

Танкред води обсадата на Никея през 1097, но градът е превзет от армията на Алексий след тайни преговори със селджукските турци. Това провокира недоверчивост на Танкред по отношения на Византийската империя. Освен това той е един от водачите, заедно с Раймонд Тулузки, които обвиняват гърците в предателство, докато другите водачи подновяват клетвата си за вярност към Алексий^[3]. След Никея, кръстоносната армия се разделя на две колони и Боемунд и Танкред командват авангарда на едната от тях. Те са нападнати от турците при Дорилеон (където загива по-големият му брат Гийом)^[4]^[5]), но успяват да се държат, чакайки пристигането на другия корпус от армията. Армията пристига и си почива няколко дни при Хераклея, след което Балдуин дьо Булон и Танкред се разделят на 14 септември 1097 от основната част на кръстоносците и слизат към Киликия^[6]. На 22 септември те превземат Тарс, но двамата водачи, мислейки и двамата да си „отрежат“ феод в Киликия. Докато Балдуин отива в Едеса по призив на нейния управител Торос Едески, Танкред превзема другите градове, като Адана и Мамистра. Но разногласието с Боемунд не му позволява да си създаде траен феод и той трябва да се присъедини към кръстоносната армия през Антиохия докато Киликия е завладяна от Византийската империя през 1100 г.^[7]

Танкред участва в обсадата на Антиохия. Мнозина кръстоносци губят надежда, между които, Пиер Отшелника, един от водачите на Народния кръстоносен поход, който дезертира армията, но е преследван и хванат от Танкред.^[8] Танкред пази южната част на града, където построява крепост, която успява да обгради града и да предотврати всякакво доставяне на припаси.^[9]

Градът е превзет на 3 юни 1098 г. и е обсаден на следващия ден от турска армия, която е решително разбита на 28 юни. Кръстоносците заминават едва през декември 1098.^[10]. Някои от кръстоносците предлагат да станат господари на всички пристанища по пътя им, но Танкред преценява, че това ще им отнеме много време, рискувайки да даде време на мюсюлманските армии да дойдат и счита, че трябва да се отправи възможно най-бързо към Йерусалим. Да го превземат и след това да завладеят страната от града.^[11]

На 6 юни 1099 г., той осъществява разузнаване при Витлеем и по покрайнините на Йерусалим преди пристигането на основната част от армията. Обсадата започва на 7 юни и Годфроа дьо Буйон и Танкред надзирават западната част на покрайнините на Йерусалим. След неуспеха на първото нападение, отправено на 13 юни, кръстоносците разбират, че ще трябва да конструират обсадни машини и Танкред прави важното откритие на греди в подземие в покрайнините на Йерусалим. Последното нападение започва през нощта на 13 срещу 14 юли, но последния щурм е на 15. Танкред бързо превзема Кубат ал-Сакхра, където се намират богатствата на емира на Йерусалим. Той пленява и около сто араби, които му се предават, виждайки избиването, причинено от кръстоносците. Но на следния ден твърде ревностни кръстоносци ги убиват, което предизвиква гнева на Танкред, защото са нарушили заповедите му.^[12] Когато е основано Йерусалимското кралство, Танкред става принц на Галилея.

Принц на Галилея[редактиране | редактиране на кода]

С превземането на града е създадена нова държава, която е поверена на Годфроа дьо Буйон, който въпреки това отказва кралска титла. По-голямата част от кръстоносците се връщат у дома, изпълнили дълга си, и Танкред е единственият от основните лидери, който остават при Годфроа дьи Буйон. Към 25 юли той превзема Наблус без битка, но малко по-късно се натъква на авангарда на армията на фатимидите от Египет, настъпващ към Йерусалим, и предупреждава Готфрид дьо Буйон за заплахата от нападение. Кръстоносците настъпват срещу мюсюлманите и им дават сражение при Аскалон на 19 август 1099 г. Само с осемдесет рицари той превзема Галилея и основава княжество Галилея, на което става първият господар.^[13]

На 20 август 1100 г. една венецианска ескадра позволява да се превземе пристанището Хайфа, което е оспорвано между Гелдемар Карденел, на който Гофроа дьо Буйон го е обещал, и Танкред, който най-много е допринесъл за нападението. За да ги помири, патриархът на Йерусалим Даимберт решава в полза на Танкред, който така дава на княжеството си морски излаз.^[14]

Годфроа дьо Буйон умира на 18 юли 1100 г. и патриархът Даимберт възнамерява да направи новата държава теокрация. Но верните на Годфроа барони отказват да предадат на Даимберт Кулата на Давид, която позволява да се контролира Йерусалим е викат Балдуин дьо Булон, брат на Гофроа, който се намира в Едеса, град на който той е граф. Танкред, скаран с Балдуин след аферата с Тарс, подкрепя Даимберт, който му е присъдил Хайфа. Даимберт и Танкред изпращат пратеник при Боемунд Тарантски, принц на Антиохия, за да поискат от него да попречи на идването на Балдуин, който трябва задължително да прекоси княжеството, за да дойде. Куриерът обаче е прехванат от техния враг Раймонд дьо Сент Жил напът да завоюва графство Триполи. Във всеки случай, Боемунд не може нищо да направи, тъй като е пленен от данишмендите, опитвайки се да помогне на Габриел, арменски принц на Малатя. Въпреки няколко опита на Танкред да попречи на пътя на Балдуин, осуетени от поддръжниците на последния, Балдуин достига без пречки в Йерусалим и се коронова за крал без трудности.^[15]

Танкред се оттегля в Галилея, но се намира под омразата на Балдуин. Първият конфликт е по отношение на Хайфа, за която Гелдемар Карденел предявява претенция пред съда на кралството и която Танкред не желае да предаде. Но междувременно Танкред получава през март 1101 г. делегация от княжество Антиохия, която иска от него да поеме регентството на княжеството поради пленничеството на Боемунд. Танкред приема, предава Галилея на Балдуин, който я дава на Юг дьо Сен Омер и отива в Антиохия.^[16]

Регент на Антиохия[редактиране | редактиране на кода]

През 1100 г., Танкред става регент на Антиохия, когато Боемунд е пленен от данишмендите в битката при Мелитена. Той започва като дава търговски предимства на генуезците в замяна на подкрепа на техните ескадри. Танкред всъщност има проект за завладяване на Киликия от византийците и средното течение на река Оронт от емира на Алепо. Той бързо обсажда Лаодикея и урежда проблема за исканията на Раймонд дьо Сент Жил от Антиохия. В началото на обсадата, Сент Жил, съюзник на византийците, придружава ломбардски кръстоносен поход, който се опитва са прекоси Анатолия, но кръстоносците са избити. Сент Жил успява да избяга и дебаркира през януари 1102 г. в Сент Симеон, и веднага е пленен от Бернард Чужденеца, рицар на Танкред. Кралят на Йерусалим и патриарха на Антиохия заповядват на Танкред да освободи Раймонд, но той не го прави докато не изисква и не получава от пленника си клетва, според която той се отказва напълно от претенциите си за Антиохия и обещава да се установи в Северна Франкска Сирия и да освободи Лаодикея. Освободен, Раймонд заминава и обсажда Триполи и завладява Триполийското графство. Танкред превзема Лаодикея през втората половина на 1102 г. Неговият успех срещу византийците му позволява да се намеси в работите на кралство Йерусалим и когато Балдуин е победен при Рама от фатимидите през есента на 1102 г., Танкред му идва на помощ, но налага възстановяването на Даимберт като патриарх^[17].

През май 1103 г. Боемунд Антиохийски е освободен срещу откуп и се връща в Антиохийското княжество. През 1104 г. Боемунд и Танкред оказват помощ на граф Балдуин II Едески, който решава да се възползва от гражданската война, която опустошава селджукските държави, за да обсади Харан. Ако тя беше успешна, това би съставлявало значителен напредък на кръстоносците към Багдад, седалище на абасидския халиф, но кръстоносците са победени от турска армия, дошла в подкрепление. Балдуин и Жослин дьо Куртене са пленени, но Беомунд и Танкред успяват да пристигнат без премеждия в Едеса. Тъй като Боемунд се връща в Антиохия, Танкред поема регентството на Едеса, която малко по-късно е обсадена от турците. Когато градът е на ръба да падне, Танкред организира набег, който успява да избие част от обсаждащите и прогонва друга част призори на един юлски ден на 1104 г. Поражението при Харан води до загубата от Антиохия на средния Оронт, превзет от Алепо и на Киликия, превзета от византийците.^[18]

Обкръжен от турците и византийците, Боемунд решава да замине за Европа, за да доведе подкрепления. Той вика Танкред, който предава регентството на Едеса на Ришар дьо Салерн и поема регентството на Антиохия. Беомунд отива в Италия, където набира армия, след това при френския крал Филип I, за да поиска от него финансова и военна помощ. Правейки това, той преговаря за омъжването на двете дъщери на краля, Констанс и Сесил за себе си и своя племенник Танкред. Преценявайки, че Византийската империя е предала кръстоносците много пъти, той подема поход срещу Византия, дебаркира в Дурацо и го обсажда, но е победен от Алексий I Комнин през октомври 1107 г. и трябва да подпише през 1108 г. договора от Девол, според който признава Антиохийското княжество за васал на Византия. Боемунд умира малко по-късно в Апулия, на 6 март 1111 г., съкрушен от това поражение^[19].

Танкред от своя страна трябва да управлява княжеството, сериозно отслабено от последиците на Харан. Тоя започва като възстановява съкровището, искайки дарове от най-богатите граждани на Антиохия. Той побеждава Ридван от Алепо при Артах на 20 март 1105 г. и възвръща крепостта Артах (Артезия) и някои от териториите, източно от река Оронт.^[20]. Танкред се възползва от анархията, която царува между мюсюлманските емири и превзема град Апамея на 14 септември 1106 г. При смъртта на Жервез дьо Базош през 1108 г., Балдуин I му предава княжество Галилея. През 1108 г., той превзема от византийците Лаодикея и им заявява, че отказва да прилага договора от Девол и за десетилетия след това Антиохия остава независима от Византийската империя. Той обаче трябва да предаде регентството на Едеса на Балдуин, който е освободен срещу откуп и поради разногласията между мюсюлманите. Войната между съответните мюсюлмански съюзници на Едеса и Антиохия ги принуждава да влязат във война и Танкред е задължен да се откаже от хегемонията си върху Едеса. След това той се опитва да бъде признат за сюзерен на графство Триполи, поддържайки Гийом дьо Сердан срещу другия претендент, Бертранд дьо Сент Жил. Смъртта на Гийом слага край на този проект, но Танкред анексира град Джабала. През 1110 г., той купува Крак де Шевалие и укрепва неговата отбранителна система. През същата година той подкрепя графа на Едеса, след това трябва да се бие с Ридван, емира на Алепо, на свой ред. Последният и неговите съюзници, емирите на Хайзар и Хама, са победени и трябва да се признаят за васали на Танкред и му дават данък.^[21].

През 1111 г., тайно подкрепени от Византия, селджуците от Персия организират контра кръстоносен поход. Разлъката в мюсюлманския лагер позволява на коалиция на всичките франкски сили да отблъснат с лекота враговете си. Танкред умира малко след това, на 12 декември 1112 г., по време на епидемия от тиф, предавайки регентството на Антиохия на Рожер дьо Салерн, карайки го да обещае, че ще предаде княжеството на синовете на Боемунд, когато навършат пълнолетие, и искайки от него да омъжи вдовицата му Сесил Френска за граф Понс дьо Триполи, за да заздрави съюза между двете държави^[22].

Gesta Tancredi (Делата на Танкред) е биография на Танкред, написана на латински от Раул от Каен, норман, присъединил се към Първия кръстоносен поход и служил под командването на Танкред и Боемунд.

Библиография[редактиране | редактиране на кода]

Раул от Каен, Делата на Танкред, ИК „Полис“ ISBN 978-954-796-033-6
René Grousset, Histoire des croisades et du royaume franc de Jérusalem – I. 1095 – 1130 L’anarchie musulmane, Paris, Perrin,‎ 1934 (réimpr. 2006), 883 p..
Robert Lawrence Nicholson, Tancred: A Study of His Career and Work. AMS Press, 1978.
Peters, Edward, ed., The First Crusade: The Chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres and Other Source Materials, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998)
Smail, R. C. Crusading Warfare 1097 – 1193. New York: Barnes & Noble Books, (1956) 1995. ISBN 1-56619-769-4

Източници[редактиране | редактиране на кода]

↑ Делата на Танкред. Средновековна Европа // Архивиран от оригинала на 2014-07-14. Посетен на 2014-07-07.
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 90 – 94
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 90 – 94
↑ Willelmus iuvenis audacissimus, tiro pulcherrimus, frater Tancredi, Albert d’Aix, I.II, p. 98.
↑ Medieval Lands
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 102 – 7
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 112 – 8
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 145
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 157
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 157 – 189
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 192
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 212 – 222
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 232 – 240
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 256 – 8
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 259 – 263
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 254 – 5
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 426 – 8.
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 445 – 455
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 456 – 461.
↑ Smail, с. 28
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 461 – 498.
↑ Grousset 1934, с. 499 – 514

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Делата на Танкред
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Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius

March 9, 2024 Kaivalyananda

Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius,^[6]^{[note 1]} commonly known simply as Boethius (/boʊˈiːθiəs/; Latin: Boetius; c. 480–524 AD), was a Roman senator, consul, magister officiorum, historian, and philosopher of the Early Middle Ages. He was a central figure in the translation of the Greek classics into Latin, a precursor to the Scholastic movement, and, along with Cassiodorus, one of the two leading Christian scholars of the 6th century.^[9] The local cult of Boethius in the Diocese of Pavia was sanctioned by the Sacred Congregation of Rites in 1883, confirming the diocese’s custom of honouring him on the 23 October.^[10]

Boethius was born in Rome a few years after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire. A member of the Anicii family, he was orphaned following the family’s sudden decline and was raised by Quintus Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, a later consul. After mastering both Latin and Greek in his youth, Boethius rose to prominence as a statesman during the Ostrogothic Kingdom, becoming a senator by age 25, a consul by age 33, and later chosen as a personal advisor to Theodoric the Great.

In seeking to reconcile the teachings of Plato and Aristotle with Christian theology, Boethius sought to translate the entirety of the Greek classics for Western scholars. He published numerous transcriptions and commentaries of the works of Nicomachus, Porphyry, and Cicero, among others, and wrote extensively on matters concerning music, mathematics, and theology. Though his translations were unfinished following an untimely death, it is largely due to them that the works of Aristotle survived into the Renaissance.

Despite his successes as a senior official, Boethius became deeply unpopular among other members of the Ostrogothic court for denouncing the extensive corruption prevalent among other members of government. After publicly defending fellow consul Caecina Albinus from charges of conspiracy, he was imprisoned by Theodoric around the year 523. While jailed Boethius wrote On the Consolation of Philosophy—a philosophical treatise on fortune, death, and other issues—which became one of the most influential and widely reproduced works of the Early Middle Ages. He was tortured and executed in 524,^[11] becoming a martyr in the Christian faith by tradition.^{[note 2]}^{[note 3]}

Early life[edit source]

Boethius was born in Rome to a patrician family c. 480,^[18] but the exact date of his birth is unknown.^[8] His birth family, the Anicii, was a notably wealthy and influential gens that included emperors Petronius Maximus and Olybrius, in addition to many consuls.^[19] However, in the years prior to Boethius’ birth, the family had lost much of its influence. The grandfather of Boethius, a senator by the same name, was appointed as praetorian prefect of Italy but died in 454 during the palace plot against Flavius Aetius.^[20]^[21] Boethius’ father, Manlius Boethius, who was appointed consul in 487, died while Boethius was still young.^[22] Quintus Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, another patrician, adopted and raised him instead, introducing to him philosophy and literature.^[23] As a sign of their good relationship, Boethius would later marry his foster-father’s daughter, Rusticiana, with whom he would have two children also named Symmachus and Boethius.^[24]

Having been adopted into the wealthy Symmachi family, Boethius had access to tutors that would have educated him during his youth.^[25] Though Symmachus had some fluency in Greek, Boethius achieved a mastery of the language—an increasingly rare skill in the Western regions of the Empire—and dedicated his early career to translating the entire works of Plato and Aristotle,^[26]^[27] with some of the translations that he produced being the only surviving transcriptions of Greek texts into the Middle Ages.^[28]^[29] The unusual fluency of Boethius in the Greek language has led some scholars to believe that he was educated in the East; a traditional view, first proposed by Edward Gibbon, is that Boethius studied in Athens for eighteen years based on the letters of Cassiodorus, though this was likely to have been a misreading by past historians.^[25]^{[note 4]}

Historian Pierre Courcelle has argued that Boethius studied at Alexandria with the Neoplatonist philosopher Ammonius Hermiae. However, Historian John Moorhead observes that the evidence supporting Boethius having studied in Alexandria is “not as strong as it may appear,” adding that he may have been able to acquire his formidable learning without travelling.^[31] Whatever the case, Boethius’ fluency in Greek proved useful throughout his life in translating the classic works of Greek thinkers, though his interests spanned across a variety of fields including music, mathematics, astrology, and theology.^[32]

Rise to power[edit source]

Taking inspiration from Plato’s Republic, Boethius left his scholarly pursuits to enter the service of Theodoric the Great.^[33] The two had first met in the year 500 when Theodoric traveled to Rome to stay for six months.^[34] Though no record survives detailing the early relationship between Theodoric and Boethius, it is clear that the Ostrogothic king viewed him favorably. In the next few years, Boethius rapidly ascended through the ranks of government, becoming a senator by age 25 and a consul by the year 510.^[18]^[35] His earliest documented acts on behalf of the Ostrogothic ruler were to investigate allegations that the paymaster of Theodoric’s bodyguards had debased the coins of their pay, to produce a waterclock for Theodoric to gift to king Gundobad of the Burgundians, and to recruit a lyre-player to perform for Clovis, King of the Franks.^[36]

Boethius writes in the Consolation that, despite his own successes, he believed that his greatest achievement came when both his sons were selected by Theodoric to be consuls in 522, with each representing the whole of the Roman Empire.^[37] The appointment of his sons was an exceptional honor, not only since it made conspicuous Theodoric’s favor for Boethius, but also because the Byzantine emperor Justin I had forfeited his own nomination as a sign of goodwill, thus also endorsing Boethius’ sons.^[38] In the same year as the appointment of his sons, Boethius was elevated to the position of magister officiorum, becoming the head of all government and palace affairs.^[38] Recalling the event, he wrote that he was sitting “between the two consuls as if it were a military triumph, [letting my] largesse fulfill the wildest expectations of the people packed in their seats around [me].”^[39]

Boethius’ struggles came within a year of his appointment as magister officiorum: in seeking to mend the rampant corruption present in the Roman Court, he writes of having to thwart the conspiracies of Triguilla, the steward of the royal house; of confronting the Gothic minister, Cunigast, who went to “devour the substance of the poor”; and of having to use the authority of the king to stop a shipment of food from Campania which, if carried, would have exacerbated an ongoing famine in the region.^[40] These actions made Boethius an increasingly unpopular figure among court officials, though he remained in Theodoric’s favor.^[41]

Downfall and death[edit source]

The young philosopher Boethius, a man whose varied accomplishments adorned the middle period of the reign of Theodoric, and whose tragic death was to bring sadness over its close.

—Thomas Hodgkin, Theodoric the Goth^[42]

In 520, Boethius was working to revitalize the relationship between the Roman See and the Constantinopolitan See—though the two were then still a part of the same Church, disagreements had begun to emerge between them. This may have set in place a course of events that would lead to loss of royal favour.^[43] Five hundred years later, this continuing disagreement led to the East–West Schism in 1054, in which communion between the Catholic Church and Eastern Orthodox Church was broken. In 523, Boethius fell from power. After a period of imprisonment in Pavia for what was deemed a treasonable offence, he was executed in 524.^[18]^[44] The primary sources are in general agreement over the facts of what happened. At a meeting of the Royal Council in Verona, the referendarius Cyprianus accused the ex-consul Caecina Decius Faustus Albinus of treasonous correspondence with Justin I. Boethius leapt to his defense, crying, “The charge of Cyprianus is false, but if Albinus did that, so also have I and the whole senate with one accord done it; it is false, my Lord King.”^[45]

Cyprianus then also accused Boethius of the same crime and produced three men who claimed they had witnessed the crime. Boethius and Basilius were arrested. First the pair were detained in the baptistery of a church, then Boethius was exiled to the Ager Calventianus, a distant country estate, where he was put to death. Not long afterwards Theodoric had Boethius’ father-in-law Symmachus put to death, according to Procopius, on the grounds that he and Boethius together were planning a revolution, and confiscated their property.^[46] “The basic facts in the case are not in dispute,” writes Jeffrey Richards. “What is disputed about this sequence of events is the interpretation that should be put on them.”^[47] Boethius claims his crime was seeking “the safety of the Senate”. He describes the three witnesses against him as dishonorable: Basilius had been dismissed from Royal service for his debts, while Venantius Opilio and Gaudentius had been exiled for fraud.^[48] However, other sources depict these men in a far more positive light. For example, Cassiodorus describes Cyprianus and Opilio as “utterly scrupulous, just and loyal” and mentions they are brothers and grandsons of the consul Opilio.^[49]

Theodoric was feeling threatened by international events. The Acacian schism had been resolved, and the Nicene Christian aristocrats of his kingdom were seeking to renew their ties with Constantinople. The Catholic Hilderic had become king of the Vandals and had put Theodoric’s sister Amalafrida to death,^[50] and Arians in the East were being persecuted.^[51] Then there was the matter that with his previous ties to Theodahad, Boethius apparently found himself on the wrong side in the succession dispute following the untimely death of Eutharic, Theodoric’s announced heir.

Boethius, the most learned man of his time, met his death in the hangman’s noose…and yet the life of Boethius was a triumph! The West owes this individual, Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, nothing less than its progression toward a culture of reason.

—Johannes Fried, The Middle Ages^[52]

The method of Boethius’ execution varies in the sources. He may have been beheaded, clubbed to death, or hanged.^[52] It is likely that he was tortured with a rope that was constricted around his head, bludgeoned until his eyes bulged out; then his skull was cracked.^[53]^[54] Following an agonizing death, his remains were entombed in the church of San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro in Pavia, also the resting place of Augustine of Hippo. His wealth was also confiscated, and his wife, Rusticiana, reduced to poverty.^[28]

Past historians have had a hard time accepting a sincere Christian who was also a serious Hellenist.^[28]^[55] These worries have largely stemmed by the lack of any mention of Jesus in Boethius’ Consolation, nor of any other Christian figure.^[56] Arnaldo Momigliano argues that “Boethius turned to paganism. His Christianity collapsed—it collapsed so thoroughly that perhaps he did not even notice its disappearance.” However, the majority of scholarship has taken a different view,^[57] with Arthur Herman writing that Boethius was “unshakably Orthodox Catholic,” and Thomas Hodgkin having asserted that uncovered manuscripts “prove beyond a doubt that Boethius was a Christian.”^[58]^[56] Furthermore, the community that he was a part of valued equally both classical and Christian culture.^[59]

Major works[edit source]


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De consolatione philosophiae[edit source]

Main article: The Consolation of Philosophy

Boethius’s best known work is the Consolation of Philosophy (De consolatione philosophiae), which he wrote at the very end of his career, awaiting his execution in prison. This work represented an imaginary dialogue between himself and philosophy, with philosophy personified as a woman, arguing that despite the apparent inequality of the world, there is, in Platonic fashion, a higher power and everything else is secondary to that divine Providence.^[60]

Several manuscripts survived and these were widely edited, translated and printed throughout the late 15th century and later in Europe.^[61] Beyond Consolation of Philosophy, his lifelong project was a deliberate attempt to preserve ancient classical knowledge, particularly philosophy. Boethius intended to translate all the works of Aristotle and Plato from the original Greek into Latin.^[62]^[63]^[64]

De topicis differentiis[edit source]

His completed translations of Aristotle’s works on logic were the only significant portions of Aristotle available in Latin Christendom from the sixth century until the rediscovery of Aristotle in the 12th century. However, some of his translations (such as his treatment of the topoi in The Topics) were mixed with his own commentary, which reflected both Aristotelian and Platonic concepts.^[65]

The commentaries themselves have been lost.^[66] In addition to his commentary on the Topics, Boethius composed two treatises on Topical argumentation, In Ciceronis Topica and De topicis differentiis. The first work has six books, and is largely a response to Cicero‘s Topica.^[67] The first book of In Ciceronis Topica begins with a dedication to Patricius. It includes distinctions and assertions important to Boethius’s overall philosophy, such as his view of the role of philosophy as “establish[ing] our judgment concerning the governing of life”,^[68] and definitions of logic from Plato, Aristotle and Cicero. He breaks logic into three parts: that which defines, that which divides, and that which deduces.^[68]

He asserts that there are three types of arguments: those of necessity, of ready believability, and sophistry.^[69] He follows Aristotle in defining one sort of Topic as the maximal proposition, a proposition which is somehow shown to be universal or readily believable.^[70] The other sort of Topic, the differentiae, are “Topics that contain and include the maximal propositions”; means of categorizing the Topics which Boethius credits to Cicero.^[71]

Book II covers two kinds of topics: those from related things and those from extrinsic topics. Book III discusses the relationship among things studied through Topics, Topics themselves, and the nature of definition. Book IV analyzes partition, designation and relationships between things (such as pairing, numbering, genus, and species, etc.). After a review of his terms, Boethius spends Book V discussing Stoic logic and Aristotelian causation. Book VI relates the nature of the Topic to causes.

In Topicis Differentiis has four books; Book I discusses the nature of rhetorical and dialectical Topics together, Boethius’s overall purpose being “to show what the Topics are, what their differentiae are, and which are suited for what syllogisms.”^[72] He distinguishes between argument (that which constitutes belief) and argumentation (that which demonstrates belief). Propositions are divided into three parts: those that are universal, those that are particular, and those that are somewhere in between.^[73] These distinctions, and others, are applicable to both types of Topical argument, rhetorical and dialectical. Books II and III are primarily focused on Topics of dialectic (syllogisms), while Book IV concentrates on the unit of the rhetorical Topic, the enthymeme. Topical argumentation is at the core of Boethius’s conception of dialectic, which “have categorical rather than conditional conclusions, and he conceives of the discovery of an argument as the discovery of a middle term capable of linking the two terms of the desired conclusion.”^[74]

Not only are these texts of paramount importance to the study of Boethius, they are also crucial to the history of topical lore. It is largely due to Boethius that the Topics of Aristotle and Cicero were revived, and the Boethian tradition of topical argumentation spans its influence throughout the Middle Ages and into the early Renaissance: “In the works of Ockham, Buridan, Albert of Saxony, and the Pseudo-Scotus, for instance, many of the rules of consequence bear a strong resemblance to or are simply identical with certain Boethian Topics … Boethius’s influence, direct and indirect, on this tradition is enormous.”^[75]

It was also in De Topicis Differentiis that Boethius made a unique contribution to the discourse on dialectic and rhetoric. Topical argumentation for Boethius is dependent upon a new category for the topics discussed by Aristotle and Cicero, and “[u]nlike Aristotle, Boethius recognizes two different types of Topics. First, he says, a Topic is a maximal proposition (maxima propositio), or principle; but there is a second kind of Topic, which he calls the differentia of a maximal proposition.^[76] Maximal propositions are “propositions [that are] known per se, and no proof can be found for these.”^[77]

This is the basis for the idea that demonstration (or the construction of arguments) is dependent ultimately upon ideas or proofs that are known so well and are so fundamental to human understanding of logic that no other proofs come before it. They must hold true in and of themselves. According to Stump, “the role of maximal propositions in argumentation is to ensure the truth of a conclusion by ensuring the truth of its premises either directly or indirectly.”^[78]These propositions would be used in constructing arguments through the Differentia, which is the second part of Boethius’ theory. This is “the genus of the intermediate in the argument.”^[79] So maximal propositions allow room for an argument to be founded in some sense of logic while differentia are critical for the demonstration and construction of arguments.

Boethius’ definition of “differentiae” is that they are “the Topics of arguments … The Topics which are the Differentiae of [maximal] propositions are more universal than those propositions, just as rationality is more universal than man.”^[80] This is the second part of Boethius’ unique contribution to the field of rhetoric. Differentia operate under maximal propositions to “be of use in finding maximal propositions as well as intermediate terms,” or the premises that follow maximal propositions.^[81]

Though Boethius is drawing from Aristotle’s Topics, Differentiae are not the same as Topics in some ways. Boethius arranges differentiae through statements, instead of generalized groups as Aristotle does. Stump articulates the difference. They are “expressed as words or phrases whose expansion into appropriate propositions is neither intended nor readily conceivable”, unlike Aristotle’s clearly defined four groups of Topics. Aristotle had hundreds of topics organized into those four groups, whereas Boethius has twenty-eight “Topics” that are “highly ordered among themselves.”^[82] This distinction is necessary to understand Boethius as separate from past rhetorical theories.

Maximal propositions and Differentiae belong not only to rhetoric, but also to dialectic. Boethius defines dialectic through an analysis of “thesis” and hypothetical propositions. He claims that “[t]here are two kinds of questions. One is that called, ‘thesis’ by the [Greek] dialecticians. This is the kind of question which asks about and discusses things stripped of relation to other circumstances; it is the sort of question dialecticians most frequently dispute about—for example, ‘Is pleasure the greatest good?’ [or] ‘Should one marry?’.^[83]” Dialectic has “dialectical topics” as well as “dialectical-rhetorical topics”, all of which are still discussed in De Topicis Differentiis.^[76] Dialectic, especially in Book I, comprises a major component of Boethius’ discussion on Topics.

Boethius planned to completely translate Plato’s Dialogues, but there is no known surviving translation, if it was actually ever begun.^[84]

De arithmetica[edit source]

Boethius chose to pass on the great Greco-Roman culture to future generations by writing manuals on music, astronomy, geometry and arithmetic.^[85]

Several of Boethius’ writings, which were hugely influential during the Middle Ages, drew on the thinking of Porphyry and Iamblichus.^[86] Boethius wrote a commentary on the Isagoge by Porphyry,^[87] which highlighted the existence of the problem of universals: whether these concepts are subsistent entities which would exist whether anyone thought of them, or whether they only exist as ideas. This topic concerning the ontological nature of universal ideas was one of the most vocal controversies in medieval philosophy.

Besides these advanced philosophical works, Boethius is also reported to have translated important Greek texts on the topics of the quadrivium^[84] His loose translation of Nicomachus‘s treatise on arithmetic (De institutione arithmetica libri duo) and his textbook on music (De institutione musica libri quinque, unfinished) contributed to medieval education.^[87] De arithmetica begins with modular arithmetic, such as even and odd, evenly even, evenly odd, and oddly even. He then turns to unpredicted complexity by categorizing numbers and parts of numbers.^[88] His translations of Euclid on geometry and Ptolemy on astronomy,^[89] if they were completed, no longer survive. Boethius made Latin translations of Aristotle’s De interpretatione and Categories with commentaries.^[43] In his article The Ancient Classics in the Mediaeval Libraries, James Stuart Beddie cites Boethius as the reason Aristotle’s works were popular in the Middle Ages, as Boethius preserved many of the philosopher’s works.^[90]

De institutione musica[edit source]

Boethius’ De institutione musica was one of the first musical texts to be printed in Venice between the years of 1491 and 1492. It was written toward the beginning of the sixth century and helped medieval theorists during the ninth century and onwards understand ancient Greek music.^[91] Like his Greek predecessors, Boethius believed that arithmetic and music were intertwined, and helped to mutually reinforce the understanding of each, and together exemplified the fundamental principles of order and harmony in the understanding of the universe as it was known during his time.^[92]

In De Musica, Boethius introduced the threefold classification of music:^[93]

Musica mundana – music of the spheres/world; this “music” was not actually audible and was to be understood rather than heard
Musica humana – harmony of human body and spiritual harmony
Musica instrumentalis – instrumental music

In De musica I.2, Boethius describes ‘musica instrumentis’ as music produced by something under tension (e.g., strings), by wind (e.g., aulos), by water, or by percussion (e.g., cymbals). Boethius himself does not use the term ‘instrumentalis’, which was used by Adalbold II of Utrecht (975–1026) in his Epistola cum tractatu.^{[full citation needed]} The term is much more common in the 13th century and later.^{[citation needed]} It is also in these later texts that musica instrumentalis is firmly associated with audible music in general, including vocal music. Scholars have traditionally assumed that Boethius also made this connection, possibly under the header of wind instruments (“administratur … aut spiritu ut tibiis”^{[note 5]}^[94]), but Boethius himself never writes about “instrumentalis” as separate from “instrumentis” explicitly in his very brief description.

In one of his works within De institutione musica, Boethius said that “music is so naturally united with us that we cannot be free from it even if we so desired.”^[95] During the Middle Ages, Boethius was connected to several texts that were used to teach liberal arts. Although he did not address the subject of trivium, he did write many treatises explaining the principles of rhetoric, grammar, and logic. During the Middle Ages, his works of these disciplines were commonly used when studying the three elementary arts.^[89] The historian R. W. Southern called Boethius “the schoolmaster of medieval Europe.”^[96]

An 1872 German translation of “De Musica” was the magnum opus of Oscar Paul.^[97]^{[non-primary source needed]}

Opuscula sacra[edit source]

Boethius also wrote Christian theological treatises, which supported Catholicism and condemned Arianism and other heterodox forms of Christianity.^[98]

Five theological works are known:^[99]

De Trinitate – “The Trinity”, where he defends the Council of Chalcedon Trinitarian position, that God is in three persons who have no differences in nature. He argues against the Arian view of the nature of God, which put him at odds with the faith of the Arian King of Italy.
Utrum Pater et filius et Spiritus Sanctus de divinitate substantialiter praedicentur – “Whether Father, Son and Holy Spirit are Substantially Predicated of the Divinity”, a short work where he uses reason and Aristotelian epistemology to argue that the Catholic views of the nature of God are correct.^[100]
Quomodo substantiae, Boethius’ claim that all substances are good.^[101]
De fide catholica – “On the Catholic Faith”
Contra Eutychen et Nestorium – “Against Eutyches and Nestorius,” from c. 513, which dates it as the earliest of his theological works. Eutyches and Nestorius were contemporaries in the early to mid-5th century who held divergent Christological theologies. Boethius argues for a middle ground in conformity with Roman Catholic faith.

His theological works played an important part during the Middle Ages in philosophical thought, including the fields of logic, ontology, and metaphysics.^[102]

Dates of works[edit source]

Dates of composition:^[103]Mathematical works

De arithmetica (On Arithmetic, c. 500) adapted translation of the Introductio Arithmeticae by Nicomachus of Gerasa (c. 160 – c. 220).
De musica (On Music, c. 510), based on a lost work by Nicomachus of Gerasa and on Ptolemy‘s Harmonica.
Possibly a treatise on geometry, extant only in fragments.^[104]

Logical WorksA) Translations

Porphyry‘s Isagoge
In Categorias Aristotelis: Aristotle‘s Categories
De interpretatione vel periermenias: Aristotle’s De Interpretatione
Interpretatio priorum Analyticorum (two versions): Aristotle’s Prior Analytics
Interpretatio Topicorum Aristotelis: Aristotle’s Topics
Interpretatio Elenchorum Sophisticorum Aristotelis: Aristotle’s Sophistical Refutations

B) Commentaries

In Isagogen Porphyrii commenta (two commentaries, the first based on a translation by Marius Victorinus, (c. 504–05); the second based on Boethius’ own translation (507–509) ).
In Categorias Aristotelis (c. 509–11)
In librum Aristotelis de interpretatione Commentaria minora (not before 513)
In librum Aristotelis de interpretatione Commentaria majora (c. 515–16)
In Aristotelis Analytica Priora (c. 520–523)
Commentaria in Topica Ciceronis (incomplete: the end the sixth book and the seventh are missing)

Original Treatises

De divisione (515–520?)
De syllogismo cathegorico (505–506)
Introductio ad syllogismos cathegoricos (c. 523)
De hypotheticis syllogismis (516–522)
De topicis differentiis (c. 522–23)
Opuscula Sacra (Theological Treatises)
- De Trinitate (c. 520–21)
- Utrum Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus de divinitate substantialiter praedicentur (Whether Father and Son and Holy Spirit are Substantially Predicated of the Divinity)
- Quomodo substantiae in eo quod sint bonae sint cum non sint substantialia bona [also known as De hebdomadibus] (How Substances are Good in that they Exist, when They are not Substantially Good)
- De fide Catholica
- Contra Eutychen et Nestorium (Against Eutyches and Nestorius)
De consolatione Philosophiae (524–525).

Legacy[edit source]

Edward Kennard Rand dubbed Boethius the “last of the Roman philosophers and the first of the scholastic theologians”.^[105] Despite the use of his mathematical texts in the early universities, it is his final work, the Consolation of Philosophy, that assured his legacy in the Middle Ages and beyond. This work is cast as a dialogue between Boethius himself, at first bitter and despairing over his imprisonment, and the spirit of philosophy, depicted as a woman of wisdom and compassion. “Alternately composed in prose and verse,^[86] the Consolation teaches acceptance of hardship in a spirit of philosophical detachment from misfortune”.^[106]

Parts of the work are reminiscent of the Socratic method of Plato’s dialogues, as the spirit of philosophy questions Boethius and challenges his emotional reactions to adversity. The work was translated into Old English by King Alfred and later into English by Chaucer and Queen Elizabeth.^[98] Many manuscripts survive and it was extensively edited, translated and printed throughout Europe from the 14th century onwards.^[107]

“The Boethian Wheel” is a model for Boethius’ belief that history is a wheel,^[108] a metaphor that Boethius uses frequently in the Consolation; it remained very popular throughout the Middle Ages, and is still often seen today. As the wheel turns, those who have power and wealth will turn to dust; men may rise from poverty and hunger to greatness, while those who are great may fall with the turn of the wheel. It was represented in the Middle Ages in many relics of art depicting the rise and fall of man. Descriptions of “The Boethian Wheel” can be found in the literature of the Middle Ages from the Romance of the Rose to Chaucer.^[109]

De topicis differentiis was the basis for one of the first works of logic in a western European vernacular, a selection of excerpts translated into Old French by John of Antioch in 1282.^[110]

Veneration[edit source]

Boethius was regarded as a Christian martyr by those who lived in succeeding centuries after his death.^[17]^[9] Currently, he is recognized as a saint and martyr for the Catholic faith.^[53] He is included within the Roman Martyrology, though to Watkins “his status as martyr is dubious”.^[111] His cult is held in Pavia, where Boethius’ status as a saint was confirmed in 1883, and in the Church of Santa Maria in Portico in Rome. His feast day is 23 October, provided by some as a date for his death.^[9]^[112]^[111]^[113] In the current Martyrologium Romanum, his feast is still restricted to that diocese.^[114] Pope Benedict XVI explained the relevance of Boethius to modern day Christians by linking his teachings to an understanding of Providence.^[85] He is also venerated in the Eastern Orthodox Church.^[115]

In popular culture[edit source]

In Dante‘s Divine Comedy, the spirit of Boethius is pointed out by Saint Thomas Aquinas and is mentioned further in the poem.

In the novel A Confederacy of Dunces by John Kennedy Toole, Boethius is the favorite philosopher of the main character, Ignatius J. Reilly. The “Boethian Wheel” is a theme throughout the book, which won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction in 1981.^[116]

C.S. Lewis references Boethius in chapter 27 of the Screwtape Letters.^[117]

Boethius also appears in the 2002 film 24 Hour Party People where he is played by Christopher Eccleston.

In 1976, a lunar crater was named in honor of Boethius.

The title of Alain de Botton‘s book, The Consolations of Philosophy, is derived from Boethius’ Consolation.

A codex of Boethius’ The Consolation of Philosophy is the focus of The Late Scholar, a Lord Peter Wimsey novel by Jill Paton Walsh.

Notes[edit source]

^ The name Anicius demonstrated his connection with a noble family of the Lower Empire, while Manlius claims lineage from the Manlii Torquati of the Republic.^[7] The name Severinus was given to him in honour of Severinus of Noricum.^[7] In some parts of Italy, he is revered as Saint Severinus rather than as Boethius.^[8]
^ Historian Johannes Fried points out that no proof ever emerged that Boethius had committed a crime despite being sentenced to death by Theodoric and the Ostrogothic Senate. Theodoric, who Fried states was guilty of misjudgment, likely regretted his actions.^[12] Procopius and later historians take a similar view, believing that he had been unjustly condemned.^[13]^[14]^[15]
^ Two years later, in 526, Boethius’ adoptive father, Symmachus, was also put to death.^[16]^[17]
^ Historian Helen M. Barrett writes that the notion of Boethius having studied in Athens “must be rejected as without foundation,” as it likely came from a misunderstanding of Cassiodorus’ letters.^[30]
^ “Haec vero administratur aut intentione ut nervis, aut spiritu ut tibiis, vel his, quae ad aquam moventur, aut percussione quadam, ut in his, quae in concava quaedam aerea feriuntur, atque inde diversi efficiuntur soni.” Translated: “This, however, is operated by the motion of a string, or the wind of a pipe, or to those, which are moved by the water, or the beat of time, as in the following, which is striking a kind of brass hollow, and in the other are made of a corresponding sound.”

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March 5, 2024March 5, 2024 Kaivalyananda

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Pedro Cabral Conqueror of Brazil kay India and Africa

March 4, 2024 Kaivalyananda

Pedro Álvares Cabral^[A] (European Portuguese: [ˈpeðɾu ˈalvɐɾɨʃ kɐˈβɾal]; born Pedro Álvares de Gouveia; c. 1467 or 1468 – c. 1520) was a Portuguese nobleman, military commander, navigator and explorer regarded as the European discoverer of Brazil. He was the first human in history to ever be on four continents, uniting all of them in his famous voyage of 1500, where he also conducted the first substantial exploration of the northeast coast of South America and claimed it for Portugal. While details of Cabral’s early life remain unclear, it is known that he came from a minor noble family and received a good education. He was appointed to head an expedition to India in 1500, following Vasco da Gama‘s newly opened route around Africa. The undertaking had the aim of returning with valuable spices and of establishing trade relations in India—bypassing the monopoly on the spice trade then in the hands of Arab, Turkish and Italian merchants. Although the previous expedition of Vasco da Gama to India, on its sea route, had recorded signs of land west of the southern Atlantic Ocean (in 1497), Cabral led the first known expedition to have touched four continents: Europe, Africa, America, and Asia.^[2]

His fleet of 13 ships sailed far into the western Atlantic Ocean, perhaps intentionally, and made landfall (April 1500) on what he initially assumed to be a large island. As the new land was within the Portuguese sphere according to the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, Cabral claimed it for the Portuguese Crown. He explored the coast, realizing that the large land mass was probably a continent, and dispatched a ship to notify King Manuel I of the new territory. The continent was South America, and the land he had claimed for Portugal later came to be known as Brazil. The fleet reprovisioned and then turned eastward to resume the journey to India.

A storm in the southern Atlantic caused the loss of several ships, and the six remaining ships eventually rendezvoused in the Mozambique Channel before proceeding to Calicut in India. Cabral was originally successful in negotiating trading rights, but Arab merchants saw Portugal’s venture as a threat to their monopoly and stirred up an attack by both Muslims and Hindus on the Portuguese entrepôt. The Portuguese sustained many casualties and their facilities were destroyed. Cabral took vengeance by looting and burning the Arab fleet and then bombarded the city in retaliation for its ruler having failed to explain the unexpected attack. From Calicut the expedition sailed to the Kingdom of Cochin, another Indian city-state, where Cabral befriended its ruler and loaded his ships with coveted spices before returning to Europe. Despite the loss of human lives and ships, Cabral’s voyage was deemed a success upon his return to Portugal. The extraordinary profits resulting from the sale of the spices bolstered the Portuguese Crown’s finances and helped lay the foundation of a Portuguese Empire that would stretch from the Americas to the Far East.^[B]

Cabral was later passed over, possibly as a result of a quarrel with Manuel I, when a new fleet was assembled to establish a more robust presence in India. Having lost favor with the King, he retired to a private life of which few records survive. His accomplishments slipped mostly into obscurity for more than 300 years. Decades after Brazil’s independence from Portugal in the 19th century, Cabral’s reputation began to be rehabilitated by Emperor Pedro II of Brazil. Historians have long argued whether Cabral was Brazil’s discoverer, and whether the discovery was accidental or intentional. The first question has been settled by the observation that the few, cursory encounters by explorers before him were barely noticed at the time and contributed nothing to the future development and history of the land which would become Brazil, the sole Portuguese-speaking nation in the Americas. On the second question, no definite consensus has been formed, and the intentional discovery hypothesis lacks solid proof. Nevertheless, although he was overshadowed by contemporary explorers, historians consider Cabral to be a major figure of the Age of Discovery.

Early life[edit source]

Portuguese coin celebrating the 500th anniversary of Cabral’s birth

Little is certain regarding Pedro Álvares Cabral’s life before, or following, his voyage which led to the discovery of Brazil. He was born in 1467 or 1468—the former year being the most likely^[3]^[4]—at Belmonte, about 30 kilometres (19 mi) from present-day Covilhã in central Portugal.^[5] He was a son of Fernão Álvares Cabral and Isabel Gouveia—one of five boys and six girls in the family.^[6] Cabral was christened Pedro Álvares de Gouveia and only later, supposedly upon his elder brother’s death in 1503,^[7] did he begin using his father’s surname.^[C]^[8]^[9] The coat of arms of his family was drawn with two purple goats on a field of silver. Purple represented fidelity, and the goats were derived from the family name (cabral pertains to goats in English).^[3] However, only his elder brother was entitled to make use of the family arms.^[10]

Family lore said that the Cabrais were descendants of Caranus, the legendary first king of Macedonia. Caranus was, in turn, a supposed 7th-generation scion of the demigod Hercules.^[D] Myths aside, the historian James McClymont believes that another family tale might hold clues to the true origin of Cabral’s family. According to that tradition, the Cabrais derive from a Castilian clan named the Cabreiras (cabra is Spanish [and Portuguese] for goat) who bore a similar coat of arms.^[E] The Cabral family rose to prominence during the 14th century. Álvaro Gil Cabral (Cabral’s great-great-grandfather and a frontier military commander) was one of the few Portuguese nobles to remain loyal to Dom João I, King of Portugal during the war against the King of Castile. As a reward, João I presented Álvaro Gil with the hereditary fiefdom of Belmonte.^[11]

Raised as a member of the lower nobility,^[12]^[13] Cabral was sent to the court of King Dom Afonso V in 1479 at around age 12. He received an education in the humanities and learned to bear arms and fight.^[14] He would have been roughly age 17 on 30 June 1484 when he was named moço fidalgo (young nobleman; a minor title then commonly granted to young nobles) by King Dom João II.^[14] Records of his deeds prior to 1500 are extremely fragmentary, but Cabral may have campaigned in North Africa, as had his ancestors and as was commonly done by other young nobles of his day.^[15] King Dom Manuel I, who had acceded to the throne two years previously, awarded him an annual allowance worth 30,000 reais on 12 April 1497.^[16]^[17] He was concurrently given the title Fidalgo (nobleman) in the King’s Council and was named a Knight of the Order of Christ.^[17] There is no contemporary image or detailed physical description of Cabral. It is known that he had a strong build^[18] and matched his father’s height of 1.90 meters (6 ft 2.8 in).^[19] Cabral’s character has been described as well-learned, courteous,^[20] prudent,^[21] generous, tolerant with enemies,^[9] humble,^[18] but also vain^[20] and too concerned with the respect he felt his honor and position demanded.^[22]

Discovery of Brazil[edit source]

Main articles: 2nd Portuguese India Armada (Cabral, 1500) and Discovery of Brazil

Fleet commander-in-chief[edit source]

On 15 February 1500, Cabral was appointed Capitão-mor (literally Major-Captain, or commander-in-chief) of a fleet sailing for India.^[23] It was then the custom for the Portuguese Crown to appoint nobles to naval and military commands, regardless of experience or professional competence.^[24] This was the case for the captains of the ships under Cabral’s command—most were nobles like himself.^[25] The practice had obvious pitfalls, since authority could as easily be given to highly incompetent and unfit people as it could fall to talented leaders such as Afonso de Albuquerque or Dom João de Castro.^[26]

Scant details have survived regarding the criteria used by the Portuguese government in its selection of Cabral as head of the India expedition. In the royal decree naming him commander-in-chief, the only reasons given are “merits and services”. Nothing more is known about these qualifications.^[27] Historian William Greenlee argued that King Manuel I “had undoubtedly known him well at court”. That, along with the “standing of the Cabral family, their unquestioned loyalty to the Crown, the personal appearance of Cabral, and the ability which he had shown at court and in the council were important factors”.^[28] Also in his favor may have been the influence of two of his brothers who sat on the King’s Council.^[28] Given the political intrigue present at court, Cabral may have been part of a faction that furthered his appointment.^[28] The historian Malyn Newitt subscribes to some sort of ulterior maneuvering and has said that the choice of Cabral “was a deliberate attempt to balance the interests of rival factions of noble families, for he appears to have no other quality to recommend him and no known experience in commanding major expeditions.”^[29]

Cabral became the military chief, while far more experienced navigators were seconded to the expedition to aid him in naval matters.^[30] The most important of these were Bartolomeu Dias, Diogo Dias and Nicolau Coelho.^[31] They would, along with the other captains, command 13 ships^[32] and 1,500 men.^[33] Of this contingent, 700 were soldiers, although most were simple commoners who had no training or previous experience in combat.^[34]

The fleet had two divisions. The first division was composed of nine naus (carracks) and two round caravels, and was headed to Calicut in India with the goal of establishing trade relations and a factory. The second division, consisting of one nau and one round caravel, set sail for the port of Sofala in what is today Mozambique.^[35] In exchange for leading the fleet, Cabral was entitled to 10,000 cruzados (an old Portuguese currency equivalent to approximately 35 kg of gold) and the right to purchase 30 tonnes (33 short tons; 30 long tons) of pepper at his own expense for transport back to Europe. The pepper could then be resold, tax-free, to the Portuguese Crown.^[36] He was also allowed to import 10 boxes of any other kind of spice, duty-free.^[36] Although the voyage was extremely hazardous, Cabral had the prospect of becoming a very rich man if he returned safely to Portugal with the cargo. Spices were then rare in Europe and keenly sought-after.^[36]

An earlier fleet had been the first to reach India by circumnavigating Africa. That expedition had been led by Vasco da Gama and returned to Portugal in 1499.^[37] For decades Portugal had been searching for an alternate route to the East, in order to bypass the Mediterranean Sea which was under the control of the Italian Maritime Republics and the Ottoman Empire. Portugal’s expansionism would lead first to a route to India, and later to worldwide colonization. A desire to spread Catholic Christianity to pagan lands was another factor motivating exploration. There also was a long tradition of pushing back Muslims, which stemmed from Portugal’s fight for nationhood against the Moors. The fight expanded first to North Africa and eventually to the Indian subcontinent. An additional ambition which galvanized the explorers was the search for the mythical Prester John—a powerful Christian king with whom an alliance against Islam could be forged. Finally, the Portuguese Crown sought a share in the lucrative West African trade of slaves and gold, and India’s spice trade.^[38]

Departure and arrival in a new land[edit source]

The fleet under the command of the 32–year-old Cabral departed from Lisbon on 9 March 1500 at noon. The previous day it had been given a public send-off which included a Mass and celebrations attended by the King, his court and a huge crowd.^[39] On the morning of 14 March, the flotilla passed Gran Canaria, in the Canary Islands.^[40]^[41] It sailed onward to Cape Verde, a Portuguese colony situated on the West African coast, which was reached on 22 March.^[40]^[42] The next day, a nau commanded by Vasco de Ataíde with 150 men disappeared without a trace.^[43] The fleet crossed the Equator on 9 April, and sailed westward as far as possible from the African continent in what was known as the volta do mar (literally “turn of the sea”) navigational technique.^[44]^[45] Seaweed was sighted on 21 April, which led the sailors to believe that they were nearing the coast. They were proven correct the next afternoon, Wednesday 22 April 1500, when the fleet anchored near what Cabral christened the Monte Pascoal (“Easter Mount”, it being the week of Easter). The spot is on the northeast coast of present-day Brazil.^[46]

The Portuguese detected inhabitants on the shore, and all ships’ captains gathered aboard Cabral’s lead ship on 23 April.^[47] Cabral ordered Nicolau Coelho, a captain who had experience from Vasco da Gama’s voyage to India, to go ashore and make contact. He set foot on land and exchanged gifts with the indigenous people.^[48] After Coelho returned, Cabral took the fleet north, where after traveling 65 kilometres (40 mi) along the coast, it anchored on 24 April in what the commander-in-chief named Porto Seguro (Safe Port).^[49] The place was a natural harbor, and Afonso Lopes (pilot of the lead ship) brought two natives aboard to confer with Cabral.^[50]

As in the first contact, the meeting was friendly and Cabral presented the locals with gifts.^[51] The inhabitants were Stone Age hunter-gatherers, to whom the Europeans had assigned the collective label “Indians“. The men collected food by stalking game, fishing and foraging, while the women engaged in small-scale farming. They were divided into countless rival tribes. The tribe which Cabral met was the Tupiniquim.^[52] Some of these groups were nomadic and others sedentary—having a knowledge of fire but not metalworking. A few tribes engaged in cannibalism.^[53] On 26 April, as more and more curious and friendly natives appeared, Cabral ordered his men to build an altar inland where a Christian Mass was held—the first celebrated on the soil of what would later become Brazil. He, along with the ships’ crews, participated.^[54]

The following days were spent stockpiling water, food, wood, and other provisions. The Portuguese also built a massive—perhaps 7 metres (23 ft) long—wooden cross. Cabral ascertained that the new land lay east of the demarcation line between Portugal and Spain that had been specified in the Treaty of Tordesillas. The territory was thus within the sphere allotted to Portugal. To solemnize Portugal’s claim to the land, the wooden cross was erected and a second religious service was held on 1 May.^[49]^[55] In honor of the cross, Cabral named the newly discovered land Ilha de Vera Cruz (Island of the True Cross).^[56] The next day a supply ship under the command of either Gaspar de Lemos^[57]^[58] or André Gonçalves^[59] (the sources conflict on who was sent)^[60] returned to Portugal to apprise the King of the discovery.

Voyage to India[edit source]

Tragedy of Southern Africa[edit source]

The fleet resumed its voyage on either 2^[61] or 3^[59] May 1500 and sailed along the east coast of South America. Cabral became convinced that he had found an entire continent, rather than an island.^[62] Around 5 May, the fleet veered eastwards towards Africa.^[62] On 23^[62] or 24^[58] May they encountered a storm in the South Atlantic’s high-pressure zone, resulting in the loss of four ships. The exact location of the disaster is unknown—speculations range from near the Cape of Good Hope at the southern tip of the African continent^[62] to “within sight of the South American coast”.^[63] Three naus and a caravel commanded by Bartolomeu Dias—the first European to reach the Cape of Good Hope in 1488—foundered, and 380 men were lost.^[64]

The remaining vessels, hindered by rough weather and damaged rigging, were separated. One ship that had been separated, commanded by Diogo Dias, wandered onward alone,^[65] and the other six ships were able to regroup. They gathered into two formations consisting of three ships each, and Cabral’s group sailed east, past the Cape of Good Hope. Fixing their position and sighting land, they turned north and landed somewhere in the Primeiras and Segundas Archipelago, off East Africa and north of Sofala.^[65]^[66] The main fleet remained near Sofala ten days undergoing repairs.^[65]^[67] The expedition then went north, and on 26 May reached Kilwa Kisiwani, where Cabral made an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate a treaty with its king.^[68]

From Kilwa Kisiwani, the fleet departed to Malindi, which was reached on 2 August. Cabral met with its king, with whom he established friendly relations and exchanged gifts. Pilots were recruited at Malindi for the last leg to India and the fleet set sail. Land was reached at Anjadip, an island frequented by ships to obtain supplies on their way to Calicut. Here the ships were beached, recaulked and painted. Final arrangements were put into place for the encounter with the ruler of Calicut.^[69]

Massacre in Calicut[edit source]

The fleet departed Anjadip and arrived in Calicut on 13 September.^[70] Cabral successfully negotiated with the Zamorin (the title of the ruler of Calicut) and obtained permission to establish a factory and a warehouse.^[71] In hopes of further improving relations, Cabral dispatched his men on several military missions at the Zamorin’s request.^[F] However, on 16^[72] or 17^[73] December, the factory suffered a surprise attack by some 300^[72] (according to other accounts, perhaps as many as several thousand)^[71] Arabs and Indians. Despite a desperate defense by crossbowmen, more than 50 Portuguese were killed.^[G]^[72]^[74] The remaining defenders retreated to the ships, some by swimming. Thinking that the attack was the result of unauthorized incitement by jealous Arab merchants, Cabral waited 24 hours for an explanation from the ruler of Calicut, but no apology was forthcoming.^[75]

The Portuguese were outraged by the attack on the factory and the death of their comrades and seized ten Arab merchant ships at anchor in the harbor. Around 600 of their crews^[74] were killed and the cargoes confiscated before the merchantmen were set afire.^[73]^[76] Cabral also ordered his ships to bombard Calicut for an entire day in reprisal for the violation of the agreement.^[73]^[76] The massacre was blamed in part on Portuguese animosity towards Muslims, which had developed over centuries of conflict with the Moors on the Iberian peninsula and in North Africa.^[77] Moreover, the Portuguese were determined to dominate the spice trade and had no intention of allowing competition to flourish. The Arabs also had no desire to allow the Portuguese to break their monopoly on access to spices. The Portuguese had started out by insisting on being given preferential treatment in every aspect of the trade. The letter from King Manuel I brought by Cabral to the ruler of Calicut, which was translated by the ruler’s Arab interpreters, sought the exclusion of Arab traders. The Arab merchants believed that they were about to lose both their trading opportunities and livelihoods,^[78] and attempted to sway the Zamorin against the Portuguese. The Portuguese and Arabs were extremely suspicious of each other’s every action.^[79]

Historian William Greenlee has argued that the Portuguese realized that “they were few in numbers and that those who would come to India in the future fleets would always be at a numerical disadvantage; so that this treachery must be punished in a manner so decisive that the Portuguese would be feared and respected in the future. It was their superior artillery which would enable them to accomplish this end.” Thus, they created a precedent for the gunboat diplomacy used by European powers in Asia during the following centuries.^[81]

Return to Europe[edit source]

Warnings in reports from Vasco da Gama’s voyage to India had prompted King Manuel I to brief Cabral regarding another port to the south of Calicut where he could also trade. This city was Cochin and the fleet set sail, reaching it on 24 December.^[82] Cochin was nominally a vassal of Calicut, as well as being dominated by other Indian cities. Cochin was eager to achieve independence, and the Portuguese were willing to exploit Indian disunity to further their own goals. This tactic eventually ensured Portuguese hegemony over the region.^[82] Cabral forged an alliance with Cochin’s ruler, as well as with rulers of other Indian cities, and was able to establish a factory. At last, loaded with precious spices, the fleet went to Kannur for further trade before setting out on its return voyage to Portugal on 16 January 1501.^[83]

The expedition headed for the east coast of Africa. One of the ships became stranded on a sandbar and the vessel began to founder. As there was no space in the other ships, its cargo was lost and Cabral ordered the carrack to be set on fire.^[84] The fleet then proceeded to the Island of Mozambique (northeast of Sofala), in order to take on provisions and make the ships ready for the rough passage around the Cape of Good Hope.^[85] One caravel was sent to Sofala—another of the expedition’s goals. A second caravel, considered the fastest ship in the fleet and captained by Nicolau Coelho, was sent ahead to give the King advance notice of the voyage’s success. A third vessel, commanded by Pedro de Ataíde, became separated from the fleet after leaving Mozambique.^[85]

On 22 May, the fleet—now reduced to only two ships—rounded the Cape of Good Hope.^[86] They arrived in Beseguiche (now Dakar, located near Cape Verde) on 2 June. There they found not only Nicolau Coelho’s caravel but also the nau captained by Diogo Dias—which had been lost for over a year following the disaster in the South Atlantic. The nau had experienced several adventures of its own^[H] and was now in poor condition with only seven sick and malnourished men aboard—one of whom was so weak that he died of happiness upon again seeing his comrades.^[87] Another Portuguese fleet was also found riding at anchor in Beseguiche. After Manuel I had been told of the discovery of what is now Brazil, he sent another and smaller fleet to explore it. One of its navigators was Amerigo Vespucci (for whom the Americas would be named), who told Cabral of his exploration, confirming that he had indeed made landfall on an entire continent and not merely an island.^[88]

Nicolau Coelho’s caravel departed first from Beseguiche and arrived in Portugal on 23 June 1501.^[89] Cabral stayed behind, waiting for Pedro de Ataíde’s missing ship and for the caravel that had been sent to Sofala. Both eventually appeared and Cabral arrived in Portugal on 21 July 1501, with the other vessels coming home during the following days.^[90] In all, two ships returned empty, five were fully loaded and six were lost. Nonetheless, the cargoes carried by the fleet returned up to 800% profit to the Portuguese Crown.^[91] Once sold, the proceeds covered the outlay in equipping the fleet, covered the cost of the vessels which had been lost, and cleared a profit which itself exceeded the total sum of those costs.^[92] “Undeterred by the unprecedented losses which he had sustained”, asserts historian James McClymont, when Cabral “reached the East African coast, pressed forward to the accomplishment of the task which had been assigned to him and was able to inspire the surviving officers and men with like courage.”^[86] “Few voyages to Brazil and India were so well executed as Cabral’s”, affirmed historian Bailey Diffie,^[93] which laid down a path leading to the immediate commencement “of a Portuguese seagoing empire from Africa to the far East”, and eventually to “a land empire in Brazil“.^[61]

Later years and death[edit source]

Upon Cabral’s return, King Manuel I began planning another fleet to make the journey to India and to avenge the Portuguese losses in Calicut. Cabral was selected to command this “Revenge Fleet“, as it was called. For eight months Cabral made all preparations,^[94] but for reasons which remain uncertain, he was relieved of command.^[95] It had apparently been proposed to give another navigator, Vicente Sodré, independent command over a section of the fleet, and Cabral strongly opposed this.^[96] Whether he was dismissed^[97] or requested himself that he be relieved of command,^[98] the result was that when the fleet departed in March 1502, its commander was Vasco da Gama—a maternal nephew of Vicente Sodré—and not Cabral.^[99] It is known that hostility had developed between a faction supporting da Gama and another supporting Cabral. At some point, Cabral left the court permanently.^[94] The King was greatly irritated by the feud, to such an extent that mentioning the matter in his presence could result in banishment, as it did for one of da Gama’s supporters.^[100]

Despite the loss of favor with Manuel I,^[95]^[101] Cabral was able to contract an advantageous marriage in 1503^[100]^[102] to Dona (Lady) Isabel de Castro, a wealthy noblewoman and descendant of King Dom Fernando I of Portugal.^[100] Her mother was a sister of Afonso de Albuquerque, one of the greatest Portuguese military leaders during the Age of Discovery.^[103] The couple had at least four children: two boys (Fernão Álvares Cabral and António Cabral) and two girls (Catarina de Castro and Guiomar de Castro).^[104] There were two additional daughters named Isabel and Leonor according to other sources, which also say that Guiomar, Isabel and Leonor joined religious orders.^[105] Afonso de Albuquerque attempted to intercede on Cabral’s behalf and on 2 December 1514 asked Manuel I to forgive him and allow his return to court, but to no avail.^[106]

Suffering from recurrent fever and a tremor (possibly malaria) since his voyage,^[107] Cabral withdrew to Santarém in 1509. He spent his remaining years there.^[12]^[101] Only sketchy information is available as to his activities during that time. According to a royal letter dated 17 December 1509, Cabral was party to a dispute over a transaction involving property which belonged to him.^[100]^[108] Another letter of that same year reported that he was to receive certain privileges for undisclosed military service.^[16]^[100] In 1518, or perhaps previously, he was raised from fidalgo to knight in the King’s Council and was entitled to a monthly allowance of 2,437 reais.^[109] This was in addition to the annual allowance granted to him in 1497, and still being paid.^[16] Cabral died of unspecified causes, most probably in 1520. He was buried in the São João Evangelista chapel of the Convento da Graça in Santarém.^[110]

Legacy[edit source]

Posthumous rehabilitation[edit source]

The first permanent Portuguese settlement in the land which would become Brazil was São Vicente, which was established in 1532 by Martim Afonso de Sousa. As the years passed, the Portuguese would slowly expand their frontiers westward, conquering more lands from both indigenous Americans and the Spanish. Brazil had secured most of its present-day borders by 1750 and was regarded by Portugal as the most important part of its far-flung maritime Empire. On 7 September 1822, the heir of Portuguese King Dom João VI secured the independence of Brazil from Portugal and, as Dom Pedro I, became its first Emperor.^[111]^[112]

Cabral’s discovery, and even his resting place in the land of his birth, had been almost completely forgotten during the span of nearly 300 years since his expedition.^[111]^[112] This began to change beginning in the 1840s when Emperor Dom Pedro II, successor and son of Pedro I, sponsored research and publications dealing with Cabral’s life and expedition through the Brazilian Historic and Geographic Institute. This was part of the Emperor’s ambitious larger plan to foster and strengthen a sense of nationalism among Brazil’s diverse citizenry—giving them a common identity and history as residents of a unique Portuguese-speaking empire, surrounded by Hispanic-American Republics.^[113] The initial resurgence of interest in Cabral had resulted from the rediscovery, in 1839, of his resting place by the Brazilian historian Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen (later Viscount of Porto Seguro).^[107]^[114] The completely neglected state in which Cabral’s tomb was found nearly led to a diplomatic crisis between Brazil and Portugal—the latter then ruled by Pedro II’s eldest sister, Maria II.^[115]

In 1871, the Brazilian Emperor—then on a trip to Europe—visited Cabral’s gravesite and proposed an exhumation for scientific study, which was carried out in 1882.^[114] In a second exhumation in 1896, an urn containing earth and bone fragments was allowed to be removed. Although his remains still lay in Portugal, the urn was eventually brought to the old Cathedral of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil on 30 December 1903.^[114] Cabral has since become a national hero in Brazil.^[116] In Portugal, however, he has been much overshadowed by his rival Vasco da Gama.^[117]^[118] Historian William Greenlee argued that Cabral’s exploration is important “not only because of its position in the history of geography but because of its influence on the history and economics of the period.” Though he acknowledges that few voyages have “been of greater importance to posterity”, he also says that “few have been less appreciated in their time.”^[119] Nevertheless, historian James McClymont affirmed that “Cabral’s position in the history of Portuguese conquest and discovery is inexpungable despite the supremacy of greater or more fortunate men.”^[120] He concluded that Cabral “will always be remembered in history as the chief, if not the first discoverer of Brazil.”^[120]

Intentional discovery hypothesis[edit source]

A controversy that has occupied scholars for more than a century concerns whether Cabral’s discovery was by chance or intentional. If the latter, that would mean that the Portuguese had at least some hint that a land existed to the west. The matter was first raised by Emperor Pedro II in 1854 during a session of the Brazilian Historic and Geographic Institute, when he asked if the discovery might have been intentional.^[121]

Until the 1854 conference, the widespread presumption was that the discovery had been an accident. Early works on the subject supported this view, including História do Descobrimento e Conquista da Índia (History of the Discovery and Conquest of India, published in 1541) by Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, Décadas da Ásia (Decades of Asia, 1552) by João de Barros, Crônicas do Felicíssimo Rei D. Manuel (Chronicles of the most fortunate D. Manuel, 1558) by Damião de Góis, Lendas da Índia (Legends of India, 1561) by Gaspar Correia,^[122] História do Brasil (History of Brazil, 1627) by friar Vicente do Salvador and História da América Portuguesa (History of Portuguese America, 1730) by Sebastião da Rocha Pita.^[123]

The first work to advocate the idea of intentionality was published in 1854 by Joaquim Noberto de Sousa e Silva, after Pedro II had opened the debate.^[124] Since then, several scholars have subscribed to that view, including Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen,^[115] Capistrano de Abreu,^[115] Pedro Calmon,^[125] Fábio Ramos^[126] and Mário Barata.^[127] Historian Hélio Vianna affirmed that “although there are signs of the intentionality” in Cabral’s discovery, “based mainly in the knowledge or previous suspicion of the existence of lands at the edge of the South Atlantic”, there are no irrefutable proofs to support it.^[128] This opinion is also shared by historian Thomas Skidmore.^[129] The debate on whether it was a deliberate voyage of discovery or not is considered “irrelevant” by historian Charles R. Boxer.^[53] Historian Anthony Smith concludes that the conflicting contentions will “probably never be resolved”.^[130]

Forerunners[edit source]

Cabral was not the first European to stumble upon areas of present-day Brazil, not to mention other parts of South America. Norsemen reached North America and even established settlements, although these ended in failure sometime before the end of the 15th century.^[131] Christopher Columbus, on his third voyage to the New World in 1498, traveled along part of what would later become Venezuela.^[127]

In the case of Brazil, it was once considered probable that the Portuguese navigator Duarte Pacheco Pereira had made a voyage to the Brazilian coast in 1498. This belief has since been dismissed, however, and it is now thought that he voyaged to North America instead.^[132] There is more certain evidence that two Spaniards, Vicente Yáñez Pinzón and Diego de Lepe [es], traveled along the northern coast of Brazil between January and March 1500. Pinzón went from what is today Cabo de Santo Agostinho (Brazilian state of Pernambuco) to the mouth of the Amazon River. There he encountered another Spanish expedition led by Lepe, which would reach as far as the Oyapock River in March. The reason Cabral is credited with having discovered Brazil, rather than the Spanish explorers, is because the visits by Pinzón and Lepe were cursory and had no lasting impact. Historians Capistrano de Abreu,^[133] Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen,^[134] Mário Barata^[135] and Hélio Vianna^[136] concur that the Spanish expeditions did not influence the development of what would become the only Portuguese-speaking nation in the Americas—with a unique history, culture and society which sets it apart from the Hispanic-American societies which dominate the rest of the continent.

Savaot is Gracious and Grateful to Vincent von Wartenberg St

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Early life[edit source]

Rise to power[edit source]

Downfall and death[edit source]

Major works[edit source]

De consolatione philosophiae[edit source]

De topicis differentiis[edit source]

De arithmetica[edit source]

De institutione musica[edit source]

Opuscula sacra[edit source]

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Veneration[edit source]

In popular culture[edit source]

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